EUROPE MUST ASSERT ITSELF
by Nicholas Crosby
In this age of shifting global order, Europe has been thrust into a difficult position as its greatest ally, the United States, has decided to change the nature of Euro-American relations. Europe must seek economic and geopolitical independence and assert themselves as the backbone and example of democracy and neoliberalism. Europe’s foreign policy must therefore protect European economic security and also reflect Europe’s political identity: democracy, freedom, and neoliberalism.
At the forefront of European foreign policy is the threat of Russia. Russia is Europe’s greatest and most continued threat to sovereignty both through soft and hard power. Putin’s Russia has successfully meddled in elections in Romania, attempted to meddle in Croatian elections, and funded multiple parties all around Europe. Europe’s independence lies in unity and the protection and strengthening of Western political or military constructs such as NATO. However, Europe needs to expand its influence in NATO through military investment. Europe should inherit leadership of its institutions rather than disregard them as the United States has done. Though the United States was the global leader of neoliberalism, the theory outweighs any one country or region. The European Union can assume this role slowly and support nations that either support and uphold neoliberal or democratic values. This means particularly showing support for nations struggling with the influence of Russian intervention or propaganda, such as Georgia, Armenia, or Moldova. These nations are unable to fight the democratic fight alone, and Europe needs these countries to thwart Russia’s influence as far away from EU borders as possible.
Furthermore, Europe needs to strengthen its relations with countries that have strategic economic interests with Europe or shared adversaries. These countries include Türkiye and Saudi Arabia. Türkiye is a particularly important strategic partner as they are key to Europe’s thwarting of Russia as well as Europe’s immigration crisis. As much as Erdogan attempts to play both sides when dealing with Russia and the West, including in military purchases, Türkiye competes with Russia over economic and military control of the Black Sea, and as a result of this has pledged financial and military aid to Ukraine. Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, can be an important trading partner for Europe as it diversifies its energy approach. Europe relies heavily on the United States for oil and gas, and diversifying its energy imports to Saudi Arabia is healthy for the European economy.
Finally, creating strategic partnerships with democratic nations is in Europe’s strategic interest. This does not only include NATO powers such as Canada but Asian and Oceanic partners such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, and India, which not only have strong defense capabilities but also have strategic locations in reference to Europe’s other adversary: China.
In regards to European relations with the United States: The United States is currently undergoing large changes to its foreign policy. It is not yet clear if this restructuring of foreign policy will outlive the Trump administration. It is up to the United States to figure out if it wants to be a friend to Europe. Before then, Europe can not afford to rely on the United States. American protectionism and isolationism has allowed Europe the opportunity to create a third pole: “The non-American West.” This pole can include parts of the Americas, such as Canada, Argentina, and Mexico, as well as Oceania and East Asia, including Japan, South Korea, Australia, Taiwan, and New Zealand. To help create this third pole, the EU can create a program (let’s call it EU infinity) in which it creates multilateral trade and military agreements with friendly countries.
European foreign policy towards the Middle East lies on three pillars: energy imports, regulating and encouraging foreign investment in Europe, and immigration partnerships. The case of energy imports is largely straightforward. Europe should seek energy diversification, and this diversification can be encouraged through strategic partnership with Gulf nations. These partnerships are low-risk as these nations have an abundance of oil and stable governments. Foreign investment, however, becomes tricky particularly with the investment of Qatari funds into Europe. It is in the EU’s best interest to ban all foreign investment in religious institutions in Europe. Qatar and Russia often fund religious institutions to extend their soft power in Europe or destabilize European political or cultural sovereignty. For instance, Qatar has invested €770 million towards Islamic projects in Europe, including the construction of Sunni Mosques in Sweden, Switzerland, and France. Qatari-funded Mosques in particular have led to radical preaching, according to the Think Tank “The Middle East Forum”, and this detail has been acknowledged by the European Parliament. Exempli gratia, an Imam at a Qatari-funded Mosque in Sweden was a known ISIS recruiter. In 2020, Saudi Arabia put to an end its funding for Mosques in the West, and the EU should implore Qatar to do the same for the goal of more positive economic and political relations. Europe should additionally pursue Qatari foreign investment that coincides with European interests. European markets should be open for continue foreign investment and European foreign policy should reflect this. Europe should also engage in research, technology, and defense partnerships with Israel. Israel is the Middle East’s leader in innovation and research as well as defense, and an enhanced partnership with Europe would enhance both partners’ economic and defensive capabilities.
In regards to Turkish ascension to the EU: Turkiye is not fit to be an EU member-state. Europe should also condemn the arrest of Ekrem Imamoglu as a blantant destruction of democratic values. However, this condemnation does not mean Europe shouldn’t work with closely in a close and collaborative matter in reference to military, economic, and immigration policy as a Turkiye remains a complicated regional rival of Russia.
China remains an economic threat to Europe as they are to the United States. Europe cannot let the influx of Chinese manufacturing goods, innovation, and investment dominate European markets, though limited investment is not an issue. Europe’s diversification from American markets cannot mean increased co-operation with China. China engages in aggressive, unfriendly economic foreign policy that Europe needs to combat and of which they should be ever-so wary. Reliance on Chinese manufacturing and goods goes against the values of European neoliberalism and democracy as well as its goals for independence.
Thus, through increased co-operation with different democratic powers, increased trade with Gulf and Middle Eastern powers on economic, military, and political levels, Europe will realistically be able seek sovereignty in the near future. However, there is a necessity for Europe to match its readiness to assert itself internationally with economic success domestically. Otherwise, Europe will be a museum